Masuka

Republic of Masuka
Republic of Masuka; สาธารณรัฐมสุขะ ; S̄āṭhārṇrạṭ̄h Mas̄uk̄ha
Flag	Coat of arms
	Anthem: National Anthem of the Republic of Masuka
	Masuka (green) in the Crosswind Sea.
Capital; and largest city	Lek Thong
Ethnic groups (2016)	50.1% Masukan; 22.6% Yashiman; 11.8% Indigenous; 6.7% Songese; 8.8% other
Religion	70.5% Siddhist; 19.8% Hanifist; 5.3% Messianist; 3.4% Other
Demonym	Masukan
Government	Unitary dominant-party presidential republic
Establishment
Area
Population
GDP (nominal)	2017 estimate
Currency	Baht ฿ (MAB)
Time zone	+5
Date format	dd-mm-yyyy
Drives on the	left
Calling code	+97
Internet TLD	.mk

The Republic of Masuka (Masukan: สาธารณรัฐมสุขะ; S̄āṭhārṇrạṭ̄h Mas̄uk̄ha), commonly known simply as Masuka, is a sovereign island nation located in southern Escar, within the Crosswind Sea. Masuka has a population of 18.5 million, making it among the smallest nations in Escar. The country is comprised of 18 large islands and around 180 islands in total. It has a maritime border to the north with Dai Hoa, and to the southeast with Sahil.

Masuka is officially a unitary presidential republic, though since 2010 has been dominated by the elites of the Masukan National Justice Party, led by the influential strongman Kriangsak Chatichai. The capital and largest city is Lek Thong, which acts as the cultural, political and economic heart of the state. Masuka is considered a poorly developed country, and corruption levels are very high.

Masuka is a member of the Ordic League and the Wanshu Development Summit. It maintains an official stance of neutrality, though it is host to a small force of HECO troops - nominally peacekeepers - and is involved in regional efforts against piracy and organized crime.

Etymology

The current kana spelling of Masuka (ますか/マスカ) was standardised in 2015. Prior to this, the country's name was spelt Masuha ますは in Shirakawan Yashiman, and Masuka マスカ in Standard Yashiman. The spelling ますくは was also occasionally used during the colonial period, prior to the 1931 Shirakawan spelling reform.

History

Prehistory

Early history

Classical period

Company rule

pending rewrite

Masukan Commandery

pending rewrite

Crosswind circuit

pending rewrite

Independence

Bloodless coup on the 13th of August 1959, led by senior figures in the National Council and likely encouraged to a significant degree by foreign anti-colonial agitators from Ahrenrok and Arshavat.
Formally declared independence on the 3rd of January 1960,

The first elections were held in 1962. Three parties had emerged as dominant: these were the Masukan Republican Party, the Masukan Social Front and the Masukan Totalist Front, representing the right, center and left of the political spectrum respectively. It was the Social Front and Republican Party that gained the bulk of seats in the Assembly thereafter. The Totalists had more distributed support that put them at an electoral disadvantage in the voting system.

Presidential elections followed in 1963, and the winner was XX Shigemasa of the Republican party, both an icon of the independence movement as well as a decorated veteran of the Commandery Marines.

Disagreements over these issues eventually led to the collapse of the XX government, and Shigemasa subsequently called new elections in 1967 - however these ended up being boycotted by the Totalist Front, and there were accusations that the Republicans had conspired to rig the elections against the Social Front. This led to the breakdown of two subsequent governments in 1968, 1970 and 1971 - ultimately, Shigemasa was forced to resign, and after another contested election she was replaced by XXX.

Revolution and the Democratic Republic

PDRP revolutionaries during the Masukan Civil War

With reconstruction efforts having been completed in most areas, jobs began disappearing from the Masukan economy and unemployment soared. Reckless spending by the government caused inflation to rapidly go out of control, fuelling an economic crisis. Discontent and anti-establishment sentiment was on the rise in the urban areas, increasing the popularity of the Masukan Totalist Party, which grew in influence and was reformed as the Masukan People's Democratic Rejuvenation Party under Party Leader Kraprayoon Ratapon. By 1978, at the height of the crisis, the PDRP controlled 30% of the House of the People, having supplanted the Social Front as the largest opposition party.

Meanwhile, the rivalry between Arshavat and Dai Hoa following the Song-Arshavati Split was intensifying. The intense competition between the two socialist states led Dai Hoa to seek to build its own socialist sphere of influence in Escar to compete with Arshavat. Reportedly, secret negotiations between the PDRP and Dai Hoa began as early as 1977, with Kraprayoon making several unofficial visits to Nha Trang and Hảiphòng. A deal between the PDRP and the Hoaian government was developed, promising full Hoaian military support and developmental aid to a PRDP-led government if the PRDP succeeded in seizing control of Masuka.

In late 1980, the PRDP launched the Masukan May Revolution, a rapid coup that ousted the Republican government. With large amounts of Republican loyalists still remaining, the country rapidly descended into a civil war. With Kraprayoon at the helm, the PRDP officially declared the formation of the Democratic Republic of Masuka in a new constitution ratified on 17 October. Soon after, on 26 October, Dai Hoa declared its intention to intervene in the Masukan Civil War and deployed substantial amounts of troops to the Masukan islands, fighting a conventional war against the remnant Republican loyalists and subsequently a counterinsurgency until 1982.

Under Kraprayoon's regime, Masuka effectively became a Hoaian client state, with Hoaian state-run corporations expanding to Masuka and leading an infrastructural modernisation program. Dai Hoa also heavily encouraged the Masukan regime to embrace Tu Lap, promoting the expansion of agricultural communes as well as increased military development. Kraprayoon's regime became increasingly totalitarian as she attempted to consolidate her power in the example of her Hoaian counterpart, Trịnh Hạc Đính. The regime's obsession with Tu Lap also led to an increasingly isolationist stance.

Following the unexpected Hoaian market liberalisation in 1996 and development of ties to Western Escar, the Masukan regime underwent a severe ideological crisis that threatened to bring down Kraprayoon. In response, ties with Dai Hoa were severed and Dai Hoa was officially denounced. Several "cultural modernisation" projects were developed and launched, with traditional culture ordered to be destroyed in favour of socialist ideology, causing a mass societal upheaval throughout the late 1990s that cemented Masuka's notoriety in the global community.

Kraprayoon's death in 2001 resulted in a brief power vacuum that was filled by Charnvirakul Bhichit, a vocal opposer of Kraprayoon's policies that the party reformers hoped would be able to undo the damage Kraprayoon did. Heavy domestic instability afflicted Charnvirakul's government, which struggled to clamp down on corruption that had flourished during Kraprayoon's rule, as well as the large networks of organised crime in the outlying islands. High-seas piracy originating from Masukan territories had become a major issue that had drawn increasing international ire. Masuka was also blamed for harbouring the perpetrators behind the 2005 Hosu attacks.

However, Charnvirakul eventually proved to be unable to reconcile the severe power struggles occurring within the government between his reformists, the Kraprayoon loyalists, and the military, which had been continuously gaining a stake in national politics since the 1990s. Minister of Defence Sripakdee Somkid subsequently overthrew Charnvirakul in a military coup in June 2007, taking over as Party Leader after arresting Charnvirakul. However, Sripakdee was also unable to consolidate his control over the government and was overthrown by the reformist faction in November 2008. Released from prison and reinstated, Charnvirakul attempted to purge the military leadership, a move that eventually resulted in another coup attempt against him just months into his presidency.

In July 2009, the Chiseian Flight 404 incident occurred, where unknown parties within Masuka shot down a Chiseian civilian airliner with a surface-to-air missile. Drawing international scrutiny to Masuka, the Masukan regime continuously obstructed the investigations due to the ongoing political strife. The outraged Western Escaric nations became increasingly intolerant of the chaos occurring in and around Masuka, and in January 2010, following the confirmation that the Chiseian airliner had been shot down by a missile, Yamataian Prime Minister Ishihara Yasunori spoke to the OL condemning Masuka as a "threat to regional stability that allows its internal problems to affect the peace of the rest of the area".

Restoration of the Republic

The Democratic Republic of Masuka was dismantled following the 2010 Masukan War, a HECO-led military intervention. Led by Chisei, a coalition of HECO forces including troops from Yamatai, Yeongseon and West Kuiju invaded Masuka in April with the stated aim of stabilising the region. A massive air campaign in the first week of the invasion largely destroyed the People's Air Force, surface-based air defences and military infrastructure, with a land invasion following thereafter. Most of Masuka was seized with minimal casualties on the invading side due to technological disparity, and Lek Thong was captured in late June. The intervention was officially condemned by Dai Hoa and the nations in CODEX, as well as several non-aligned nations which complained of the campaign's unilateralism on HECO's part. Significant speculation abounded that part of the reason for the intervention was the recent discovery of substantial natural gas deposits in the southern islands around 2009.

Immediately after the war, Masuka was governed by the Transitional National Government (TNG), led by former military leader Kriangsak Chatichai. Working closely with HECO's Crosswind Region Security Assistance Force (横風海治安支援部隊; YOCHIBU), the TNG attempted to introduce democracy to Masuka and improve local living standards, though was opposed by a substantial remnant socialist insurgency. In December 2011, the TNG announced constitutional reform and formally founded the Second Masukan Republic. Presidential elections were subsequently held in 2012 and were won by Kriangsak Chatichai and his newly-formed Masukan National Justice Party (NJP) in an extremely corrupted election that allegedly resulted in the National Justice Party winning by receiving 103% of votes.

Widespread international criticism of the sham elections and an outbreak of riots in major cities forced the YOCHIBU to demand for a re-election, which was held in mid-2012 and resulted in Kriangsak winning again, though this time with a more conservative 70% of votes. In a subsequent speech to the OL, Kriangsak slammed his foreign critics, stating in a rambling speech that his regime was in the business of fighting an open war against insurgents and criminals and did not have time to "appease far-away liberals living in stable and well-fed homes". Subsequently, an attempt to launch an OL inquiry into Kriangsak and the NJP was blocked by the HECO nations.

Kriangsak Chatichai was placed in charge of the TNG, and was later elected as President

Taking substantial loans from Chisei, Dai Hoa, and Yamatai, the Masukan government began a large-scale public works program aimed at providing water and electric infrastructure to outlying villages. A large amount of this money was however funnelled to unknown areas, preventing the expansion of the power grid, though the water project continued at the behest of YOCHIBU. Spearheaded by the Yamataian multi-national conglomerate Sukimoto, several water purification plants were built in outlying areas. Other attempts at public infrastructure involved repairing and reinforcing bridges and roads throughout the nation. In 2014, Dai Hoa joined YOCHIBU and deployed peacekeeping troops and civilian experts to Masuka.

By far the largest priority of the Kriangsak regime, however, was the destruction of the insurgents and national defence against a perceived threat from Sahil. Between 2012 and 2017, over 12% of national spending went to military purposes, and the National Army of Masuka returned to pre-2010 numbers at an unprecedented rate. A high reliance on foreign loans, YOCHIBU assistance, and foreign NGO assistance made up for shortages in other areas, such as education, healthcare, infrastructure development, and food. Endemic corruption at almost all levels of the government and authorities was also a major problem, until the YOCHIBU assisted the government in forming an anti-corruption task force in 2016.

Despite this heavy spending, the National Army of Masuka was continuously unable to properly deal with the insurgents or pirates on its own, and faced major issues with desertion. Only when operating alongside HECO troops was the National Army able to attain relative success, and with a casualty rate five times higher than that of the coalition troops. From 2016 onwards, as the local force was still unable to properly deal with the pirate menace, HECO began conducting their own anti-piracy patrols in the Crosswind Sea under Operation PEACE WIND. In order to support subseqeunt Operation PEACE WIND activities, HECO leased the Thalang naval base from the Masukan government, as well as several airfields that had been repaired by the Chiseian Royal Army.

In 2018, Kriangsak famously declared to the OL that, with regards to the insurgent problem, they had "handled it". Subsequent mass executions of political prisoners, claimed to be insurgent leaders, drew international condemnation. An attempt to launch an inquiry into the affairs of the Masukan government was again narrowly defeated in the OL. Some Ordan news outlets described Masuka as a failed state propped up by HECO imperialism, stating that the island was little more than a HECO airstrip.

Following the 2018 Hoaian bird flu pandemic, which heavily damaged the Hoaian economy, Dai Hoa suddenly requested that Masuka repay at least part of its debts. The Masukan government was unable to comply with the request, and subsequently officially rejected the request. Discussions regarding this issue in the June 2018 Wanshu Development Summit meeting broke down and the Masukan delegation walked out. In September of the same year, relations with the YOCHIBU states further soured after the Kanazawa Itsuki Incident, where a Yamataian employee of the Sukimoto Corporation was kidnapped and executed by Masukan rioters on an online livestream after Sukimoto attempted to increase the price of water from their plants in response to ever-increasing operating costs.

Ignoring the Masukan government's protests, Sukimoto closed all of its water plants and recalled all employees from Masuka. The Yamataian government also issued a harsh statement to their Masukan counterparts, also issuing an advisory against non-essential visits to Masuka. Subsequently, Yamatai began to decrease their civil and military contributions to YOCHIBU, also rebasing the Imperial Navy forces involved in Operation PEACE WIND to Nhatrang in southern Dai Hoa. In mid-2019, Chisei also began to decrease its contributions to YOCHIBU, citing that the mission to develop Masuka had "evolved". In his New Year 2020 address, Kriangsak implied that he was personally displeased with the situation, reaffirming his dedication to restoring stability and order in a democratic Masuka regardless of his allies' "betrayal".

As of February 2020, YOCHIBU coalition forces had been decreased significantly, and remaining foreign armed forces in Masuka were primarily security troops and military advisors, as well as a small core of civilian experts that continue to advise the local government. In March 2020, a Yamataian reporter for Akagi Shinbun discovered evidence that Masuka was using chemical weapons against supposed insurgent-controlled villages with impunity, causing another international controversy.

Government and politics

The President of Pulau Todak is the Republic's head of state, and is elected every 5 years in accordance with the Todaki Constitution. Along with representing the nation in it's external and internal affairs, he serves as the chief executive, heading the Great Council of State, a body consisting of various ministers and senior administrative officials. Although Todak is nominally a democratic state, the Presidential office wields extensive emergency powers which allow the executive to supersede or veto decisions made by the legislature. The current incumbent, Surintan bin Katijah of the National Justice Party, has been in office since 2014. Katijah has developed a reputation for harassment of key opposition figures and slightly paranoid coup-proofing measures, and his election following the end of Operation Liberty's Spear was considered by many key opposition figures and international observers to have involved illicit tactics such as voter intimidation and destruction of ballots; these charges have been denied by the Great Council. The next Presidential election is due to take place in July 2019.

The legislature itself is known as the Grand Assembly, and consists of a lower and upper house: the House of People and the House of Unity respectively. Representatives of the House of People are elected via proportional representation on the national level, while representatives of the House of Unity are elected via first-past-the-post in each of the 45 prefectures of the country. General elections take place every 5 years, with the most recent being held in 2015, and the next being due to take place in 2020. The National Justice Party currently commands control of both chambers, with opposition forces being largely disunited.

Political Party Name	House of People	House of Unity	Ideological Tenets
National Justice Party	104 / 168	21 / 45	Social conservatism, Laissez-faire, pro-HECO foreign policy, Religious Template:Pluralism
New Social Front	18 / 168	2 / 45	Democratic Ashikasism, Social democracy, Secularism
One Nation Party	15 / 168	8 / 45	Todaki Nationalism, State Capitalism, Free Todak Principle, Traditional religious values
Free Governance Front	10 / 168	8 / 45	Regionalism, Social liberalism, Indigenous representation
Union for Progress	5 / 168	4 / 45	Islamic democracy, Progressivism, Islamic modernism
Yashiman Brotherhood	4 / 168	1 / 45	Izoku Kyowa, Pan-Chiseianism, Yashiman representation
Independents	12 / 168	1 / 45	Various.

The Todaki National Censorate is a prominent agency reporting to the President and Grand Assembly responsible for government audits and prevention of corruption, similar to the Chiseian Royal Censorate. Critics have accused the NJP of interfering in the Censorate's operation and using it as a means of attacking political opponents.

Military

The Masukan National Armed Forces consist of around 19,800 active and 140,200 reserve troops, and are divided into the National Army, the Masukan Navy, the Air Defence Force and the National Peaceguard. The Masukan Peaceguard, like it's Chiseian counterpart, is a gendarmerie and domestic security force, and has an approximate strength of about 38,000 - generally drawn from the reserve. Compulsory military service for males over the age of 18 provides the majority of the military's manpower, though senior figures in the National Ministry of Defence have proposed suspending the draft in the near future due to mounting costs.

The military uses a mixture of Yamataian and Chiseian equipment, much of it being older surplus transferred through YOCHIBU military development assistance plans, as well as Arshavati and Hoaian equipment left over from the Social Republic era. Since the restoration of ties with HECO, the Republic has made several acquisitions of more modern hardware to expand its capabilities, such as the two Ki-62 attack helicopters purchased by the National Air Force in 2015; the transaction was widely criticized as wasteful by opposition leaders and military analysts. Despite other problems plaguing the military force, the Masukan military is still relatively modern by regional standards, mostly due to Western Escaric hardware acquired through YOCHIBU.

Much of the training and doctrinal development of the Masukan military is spearheaded by YOCHIBU advisors from the Chiseian Royal Army, Yamatai Imperial Army and the Hoaian People's Army. However, it is widely held that the training and morale of the Masukan military, particularly the National Army, is inadequate. Corruption, desertion, and drug use are endemic problems within the National Army. In 2017, Yamataian investigators discovered an arms dealing ring within the National Army officer corps that was selling equipment and ammunition to foreign states.

Elephant Corps

The Masukan Elephant Corps is a paramilitary force loyal to President Kriangsak. Not part of the regular armed forces, the Elephant Corps report directly to the Presidential Palace rather than the military chain of command. They are reported to be extremely loyal to Kriangsak, and membership brings numerous benefits such as a high salary and access to foreign luxury goods.

Reportedly, the Elephant Corps is highly-trained by foreign mercenaries as well as ex-special forces personnel privately hired by Kriangsak and his party. Local enthusiasts and international analysts have also spotted advanced equipment in use by the Elephant Corps, far beyond that given to the National Army by HECO, suggesting that the Elephant Corps is purchasing its own equipment privately as well.

With numbers and equipment rivalling that of the National Army, the Elephant Corps is often used as Kriangsak's private security and enforcement force. The Elephant Corps is behind the brutal suppressing of outlying villages and has been likened by political dissidents to a group of thugs beyond the government's control. The Elephant Corps is highly suspected to be involved in drug production, smuggling, piracy, arms dealing and the potential use of child soldiers, though HECO has allegedly obstructed attempts by outside organisations to investigate further.

Economy

There are vast deposits of oil and natural gas in the Todaki waters. Besides this, the local industry relies on fishing and logging, as well as minor luxury industries such as pearl diving. It's major trading partners are Dai Hoa, Chisei, Yamatai and Yeongseon.